1.Introduction
At the end of the First World War, the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires gave rise to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes in the Balkan region (Severo, 2011). Despite territorial unification, profound identity differences among the South Slavic peoples persisted, shaped primarily by cultural, religious, and historical factors. During Josip Tito's rule, a relative pacifism was maintained for a short period, stemming from the promotion of a common Yugoslav identity and the consolidation of a socialist political project (Sotiropoulou, 2002).
However, Tito's death brought this period of stability to an end, and the weakening of the socialist regime rekindled latent ethnic rivalries.
Western discourses often simplify the narrative, framing it as the outcome of ancestral antagonisms and ignoring the central issue that the existing political elites sought to instrumentalize ethnicity as a means of legitimizing their objectives and fostering social exclusion, thereby intensifying nationalist sentiment and political fragmentation. Thus, the War in Bosnia (external link) became one of the most violent episodes in European history, marked by grave human rights violations and systematic acts of ethnic cleansing (Sotiropoulou, 2002).
The relevance of this study lies, within theoretical and legal frameworks, in the international engagement in managing the conflict, with a focus on the OSCE (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe), particularly regarding the safeguarding of human rights, with an emphasis on affected women. Thus, it seeks to understand how the interventions carried out by the organization proved essential to developments in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in strengthening and guaranteeing women's rights (Vetschera, 1998).
In light of the above, this study is guided by an analysis of organizational action based on the question: how did the OSCE direct its efforts to protect women victimized by the Bosnian War? Through the use of a qualitative approach grounded in bibliographic research and the hypothetical-deductive method, it seeks to highlight the relevance of the OSCE in promoting women's rights, assisting survivors, and rebuilding the country in the years following the conflict.
2. The Bosnian War
The former Yugoslavia found itself in crisis following the death of its leader Josip Tito in 1980. After a period of success under the self-management socialist model, the weakening of both the domestic economy and the socialist bloc amid the Cold War brought economic liberalization to the country. Moreover, proximity to Western Europe strongly influenced the perspectives held by each group within the interethnic context—while the Serbs favored preserving the federal republic, the Croats and Slovenes sought independence. Thus, in the face of these upheavals, factors such as religion, the economy, and industry played a decisive role in the embrace of nationalist ideas, which grew exponentially (Severo, 2011).
Faced with prevailing social chaos and following the fall of the Berlin Wall, new elections were held, resulting in victory for the Communist Party in Serbia and Montenegro and for conservative parties in the other republics. From the post-election landscape, the Serbs, as an ethnic minority in the other nations and reacting to the growing nationalist spirit, adopted the same stance regarding their territory and people. Thus, in 1991, Croatia and Slovenia successively declared their independence, triggering a succession of armed conflicts across the territory. While Slovenia experienced a brief military clash—known as the Ten-Day War—Croatia plunged into a civil war involving Croatian militias and the local Serb minority, which was supported by the Yugoslav People's Army (Severo, 2011).
Bosnia and Herzegovina had the most diverse population among the Yugoslav nations, with a Bosnian Muslim majority, followed by Serbs and Croats. With the collapse of socialism, the 1990 multi-party elections brought ethnic-party divisions: the Muslim Party of Democratic Action, the Serb Democratic Party, and the Croatian Democratic Union. A conflict of interests prevailed, with Bosnian Serbs supporting the preservation of Yugoslavia as a unitary entity, and separatist proposals advancing under Muslim and Croat leadership. Thus, the independence referendum was held in February 1992, with participation from Bosnian Muslims and Croats and a widespread boycott by Serbs, followed by international recognition in April of that same year (Severo, 2011).
The Siege of Sarajevo was launched immediately by Bosnian Serbs following independence, with the support of the Yugoslav army. Throughout its course, numerous provisions of international human rights law were violated. This legal branch is grounded in the protection of individuals of any nationality, at domestic or international levels, based on the study of international norms established in treaties and declarations (Mazzuoli, 2020). Over its duration, insecurity, forced displacement, murders, rapes used as a weapon of war, massacres, and concentration camps deeply scarred the history of Bosnian society (Vulliamy, 1994).
The war came to an end with the Dayton Agreement in 1995 (brokered by the United States), which established Bosnia and Herzegovina as a single state and aimed to structure peace and reconstruction in the country. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) was incorporated into the agreement through annexes addressing areas in which it possessed technical and political expertise, such as military stabilization, the organization of elections, and human rights monitoring, working alongside the United Nations (UN) (Vetschera, 1998).
2.1 Human rights violations in the Bosnian War
The Bosnian War represented a catastrophic rupture with international human rights, stemming from failures to guarantee the differing demands made by distinct groups living within a single country. The liberal opening following the collapse of socialism and the internal crisis experienced in Yugoslavia eroded the fragile foundations upon which that population had coexisted since the end of the Second World War, fueling nationalist and separatist ideals (Sotiropoulou, 2002).
The politicization of ethnicity in the Bosnian War thus fits into a logic of sovereignty in which the existence of one group depends on the subjugation of the other, who is subjected to the dominant group's ideal of who may live and who must die. In addition to the massacres that occurred, infrastructural warfare also contributed significantly to control over the right to life. The destruction of water, electricity, and communications networks, beyond the physical infrastructure of the cities itself, besieged and isolated areas, such as the capital Sarajevo. As articulated by Mbembe (2016, p. 128-129):
The perception of the existence of the other as an attempt on my life, as a mortal threat or absolute danger whose biophysical elimination would strengthen my potential to life and security—this, I suggest, is one of the many imaginaries of sovereignty characteristic of both early and late modernity.
In this way, the systematic violation of human dignity turned the other's personal characteristics into an instrument of political reach, pitting neighbors against one another as absolute enemies. Under this logic, the group seeking sovereignty feels more secure with each body it executes.
With the end of the war in 1995, established through the Dayton Agreement, the OSCE played a fundamental role in peacebuilding and safeguarding human rights in the Balkan region, contributing to democratic stability. The main areas institutionalized in the agreement and assigned to the organization constituted core pillars in the transition scenario: the organization and supervision of elections, aimed at conferring political legitimacy on Bosnia and Herzegovina; arms control negotiations for military security; and human rights monitoring in the region, in conjunction with the UN Human Rights Council (Vetschera, 1998).
2.2 Violations of women's human rights in the Bosnian conflict
In addition to human rights oppression characterized by executions, forced displacements, and the devastation of local infrastructure, women suffered specific forms of violence, observed mainly in rape camps. Set up in settings such as hotels, gymnasiums, private homes, and schools, their objective was directed toward using sexual violence as an instrument of terror and the destruction of Bosnian ethnic continuity through the practice of genocide by Serb soldiers. When they became pregnant, many women were detained until it was no longer viable to perform an abortion. In several accounts, victims heard from their abusers that they were to “give birth to some Serb fighters,” reinforcing the character of social cleansing directed against the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Vulliamy, 1994).
Rape as a weapon of war was also used as a means of communication between male individuals. Within a binary logic in which the woman is a fragile individual and the man represents the role of protector, female rape acts as a message of emasculation. Women served, above all, as a trophy for the dominant side in the war, as this demonstrated a form of supremacy over the defeated, and in the case of forced pregnancy, a means of carrying the father's genes and identity (Banjeglav, 2009).
The female body was strategically transformed into an extension of the battlefield, and the consequences of these systematic rapes extended well beyond the end of the fighting. Physical, psychological, and sexual violence against women was used as an instrument of fear, occurring publicly in front of family members and other women. The destruction of women's integrity and autonomy was, in this sense, a strategic project of dehumanizing these people, which resulted in social stigmatization and the destabilization of the social fabric as a whole (Banjeglav, 2009).
After the war, the image of the victim was also widely discussed in academic circles and the media. A victim fitting into Orientalist discourses was thus created, cast as quiet, primitive, and silent, with the stigmatization of moral shame attributed to Muslim culture. This places these women in a position intrinsically linked to the male figure of power, stripping them of any trace of individuality (Banjeglav, 2009).
Thus, it is fair to say that the instrumentalization of rape and the female body was a method of perpetuating ongoing ethnic cleansing and genocide against the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. While suffering from abuses during the war, they also had to deal with labeling and generalizations in the post-conflict period, which reduced their experiences and individuality solely to sexual violence, leading to the silencing of their stories. The ordeal endured by these women regarding the pertinent violations they suffered therefore highlights the centrality of this theme in human rights studies, as well as the need for debate aimed at building memory and justice.
2.3 The Role of the OSCE in the Bosnian War
The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) is considered the largest regional security organization, comprising 57 countries located in North America, Europe, and Asia (OSCE, 2023a). Its origins date back to the creation of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE), initiated in 1973 and consolidated in 1975 through the Helsinki Final Act, whose purpose was to bring together rival superpowers in joint efforts for security and cooperation in the Euro-Atlantic region (Galbreath, 2007). The founding of the CSCE emerged in the context of significant Cold War transformations during the 1970s, when countries of the Eastern and Western blocs came together in a multilateral forum dedicated to international dialogue and negotiations aimed at resolving common challenges (OSCE, 2023a).
The Helsinki Final Act, signed in 1975 by 35 States, represented a central diplomatic instrument by defining ten principles to govern inter-state behavior and by establishing meetings and conferences designed to strengthen communication and transparency among socialist, capitalist, and non-aligned States (CSCE, 1975). Between 1975 and the 1980s, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe focused on consolidating and expanding the responsibilities of its participating States. In the post-Cold War context, in 1990, the CSCE sought to establish permanent structures, such as institutions and a secretariat, to respond to new challenges arising from the reconfiguration of the world order (OSCE, 2023a). The establishment of an active operational structure originated in the Charter of Paris for a New Europe, which marked a turning point with the end of division and confrontation on the European continent (CSCE, 1990).
In 1994, the CSCE was renamed the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in order to reflect the changes in its structure more accurately. The OSCE is a regional organization focused on security and cooperation, whose work is guided by three dimensions: politico-military, economic and environmental, and human (OSCE, 2023a). Regarding the first dimension, OSCE actions aim to encourage greater openness, transparency, and cooperation among participating States, as well as effective arms control. As for the economic and environmental dimension, the organization focuses its efforts on promoting good governance, combating corruption, and raising environmental awareness. Finally, in the realm of human rights and fundamental freedoms, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe is concerned with building and strengthening democratic institutions, promoting tolerance, and addressing transnational challenges including terrorism; trafficking in drugs, arms, and human beings; and migration.
In the 1990s, alongside the structural and institutional transformation of the OSCE, Europe faced the conflicts resulting from the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Among them, the Bosnian War began in 1992 due to clashes between Serb, Bosniak, and Croat populations over control of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina following its declaration of independence (Hall, 2014). Amid traumatic events such as the Siege of Sarajevo and the Srebrenica Massacre, the conflict persisted until 1995 with the ratification of the Dayton Agreement by the warring parties (Hudson, 2003). In this context, the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina provided that, seven days after its entry into force, the parties were to negotiate, under the auspices of the OSCE, measures to enhance mutual confidence, reduce the risk of conflict, and define levels of armaments compatible with peacebuilding in the region (OSCE, 1995). In addition, the treaty tasked the organization with assisting the signatories in conducting and organizing negotiations aimed at establishing a regional balance in and around the former Yugoslavia.
The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe became responsible for adopting and implementing an elections program, with the mandate to supervise the preparation and conduct of elections, as well as to establish a Provisional Election Commission. Furthermore, the organization was entrusted with the role of promoting human rights justice and mediating amicable solutions (OSCE, 1995).
Since 1995, the OSCE has carried out activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina related to the return of persons displaced by the conflict; the restoration of free and fair elections; strengthening the rule of law and justice; protecting independent media; promoting quality education; combating corruption; establishing politico-military commitments; encouraging equity as an engine of societal transformation, among other initiatives (OSCE, 2026a). In 2022, the OSCE, in collaboration with the United Nations, the Council of Europe, and the European Union, launched a program to build trust and cohesion among Bosnia's ethnic communities. The following year, the OSCE and the UN celebrated 30 years of partnership in Bosnia and Herzegovina (ONU, 2023).
2.4 The Role of the OSCE regarding Women Affected by the Bosnian War
The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe is guided by fundamental principles that include respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as the promotion of equality among peoples, without discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, age, or origin (CSCE, 1975). Given the status of women as one of the primary vulnerable groups during the Bosnian War, owing to the instrumentalization of sexual violence as a strategy of war, the OSCE sought, in the post-war period, to develop support initiatives for survivors in Bosnia and Herzegovina (OSCE, 2025a). These measures aim to strengthen the participation, protection, prevention, assistance, and recovery of women who were victims of physical, psychological, and sexual violence in the conflict. The OSCE Secretariat fosters the exchange of best practices among civil society leaders and service providers assisting victims of gender-based violence, in addition to training professionals, mainstreaming a gender perspective into the prevention of violent extremism, supporting national campaigns, and strengthening the activism of Roma and Muslim women in Bosnia and Herzegovina (OSCE, 2025a; OSCE, 2021).
OSCE actions also include drafting reports on the situation of women in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the policies adopted, and the organization's recommendations. In 2019, the OSCE released the findings of an organization-led survey on violence against women in Bosnia, which indicated that 64% of women were directly affected by the 1992–1995 conflict through physical and sexual violence committed by partners or combatants, as well as through psychological repercussions and constraints on financial autonomy (OSCE, 2019). Among the recommendations put forward by the OSCE, key proposals include amending penal codes to include rape as a war crime, establishing institutional mechanisms for gender equality, funding support services for victims of violence, eliminating legislative barriers to ensure equal treatment for women victims of wartime violence, instituting investigations and trials of conflict-related violent cases, and raising awareness of the conflict's consequences within transitional justice frameworks.
The OSCE directs efforts toward implementing a women, peace, and security agenda across its participating States. In 2022, the organization published a report on the National Action Plans (NAPs) adopted by states, highlighting the importance of women's organizations in Bosnia for bridging political and ethnic divides and holding perpetrators accountable for gendered harms suffered by women during the conflict (OSCE, 2022). In Bosnia and Herzegovina, interministerial bodies, jointly chaired by the Ministry of Security and the Ministry of Defence, were established to implement the agenda with civil society engagement. Bosnia's NAP focused on human security and on the immediate, tangible threats faced by the population, contributing to survivor assistance that has nevertheless been marked by slowness and politicization.
The OSCE Mission, in coordination with the Parliament of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, works to develop policies and strategies to combat violence against women. In 2023, the OSCE brought together feminist activists from Bosnia and Ukraine, international experts, and representatives of international organizations to draft proposals regarding protection and response to gender-based violence in conflict and post-conflict settings, aiming to promote comprehensive security through innovation and networked cooperation for gender equality (OSCE, 2023b). In 2024, the OSCE Mission, in collaboration with the Parliament of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, supported sessions aimed at adopting legislation to combat violence against women, assisting in the implementation of recommendations, the enhancement of existing practices, the strengthening of parliamentary oversight, and civil society engagement (OSCE, 2024).
3. Final considerations
The Bosnian War was one of the most brutal episodes of the late twentieth century, marked by the resurgence of ethnic cleansing in armed conflict and by intense violence during the breakup of Yugoslavia. Both domestically and internationally, political bodies capable of curbing war crimes—such as the systematic murders and rapes directed at the elimination of ethnic groups in Bosnia—proved notably weakened. In this sense, violence against women in Bosnia occurred not only along gender lines, but also because of their membership in specific ethno-religious communities. Systematic sexual violations were carried out through prior planning, linked to a political program of forced pregnancy and ethnic cleansing. Thus, sexual violence was instrumentalized as a strategy of war designed to inflict symbolic and material harm on women and to tear apart their family and community ties (Stiglmayer, 1994).
The OSCE's engagement regarding women affected by the conflict, initiated following the ratification of the Dayton Agreement, is guided by the goals of inclusion, protection, support, and recovery. Accordingly, the organization develops initiatives involving cooperation with governmental institutions and civil society in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the preparation of reports, and the exchange of best practices, with a view to proposing recommendations and sound approaches for supporting women impacted by the war and its aftermath (OSCE, 2025a; OSCE, 2019). The work carried out by the organization aligns with the OSCE's mandate, which seeks to promote security and cooperation through projects, meetings, conferences, partnerships, and field operations (OSCE, 2026b). Although Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a participating State of the organization since 1992, when it declared its independence, the OSCE did not undertake operations during the course of the conflict, acting effectively only from 1995 onward.