INTRODUCTION
The resocialization process is a timely and extremely relevant topic, especially in contexts involving individuals in conflict with the law. It is a complex phenomenon that requires an interdisciplinary approach, aiming to ensure that these individuals can return to social life in a dignified and productive manner. Resocialization cannot be viewed merely as an alternative to punishment, but rather as an essential strategy to ensure human dignity and social inclusion (IAMAMOTO, 2021).
For Netto (2020), the implementation of public policies geared toward resocialization requires a critical analysis of the institutional and social structures that sustain marginalization and prejudice. Respect for human dignity is fundamental, as punishment must not signify perpetual exclusion, but rather a pathway toward social reintegration. In this sense, it becomes imperative to design strategies that ensure both public security and respect for individuals' fundamental rights.
The relevance of this issue is heightened when considering the recurring challenges within the Brazilian socio-educational system, such as the insufficiency of educational and vocational resources, and the lack of adequate psychological support. Previously, overcrowding in these institutions was also widely debated; however, since 2020, through Habeas Corpus (HC) 143.988/ES, the Federal Supreme Court (STF) ordered an end to overcrowding, prohibiting these facilities from admitting more adolescents than their official capacity.
Such factors contribute to increasing the social stigma faced by youth in conflict with the law, further hindering their effective reintegration into society. This study proposes to investigate the strategies and public policies necessary to build a welcoming social environment, aimed at genuine resocialization and the preservation of the human dignity of individuals deprived of liberty. A more humane and just perspective is needed to understand and act upon the social mechanisms that facilitate or impede the dignified reintegration of these individuals (FALEIROS, 2023).
Therefore, this article aims to analyze the effectiveness of multidisciplinary strategies and public policies implemented in the resocialization of juvenile offenders, seeking to promote a dignified and humanitarian social reintegration. It was developed through qualitative research, relying on a bibliographic and documentary review. Recent publications by renowned authors, official documents, and pertinent legislation will be analyzed.
In light of the above, the following question arises: What are the main challenges faced by public policies in the resocialization process of individuals between the ages of 12 and 18 (17 years and 11 months) in conflict with the law, and how can a multidisciplinary and humanitarian approach contribute to overcoming these challenges?
1. RESOCIALIZATION OF YOUTH
1.1 Conceptualizing resocialization
Resocialization is a complex and multidimensional process that aims to reintegrate the individual into society through the reconstruction of social, family, educational, and professional bonds. It is a topic deeply linked to the promotion of citizenship, human dignity, and social rights, especially regarding individuals who have experienced situations of deprivation of liberty. As Iamamoto (2021) states, to resocialize is more than to re-educate; it is to create real conditions for the subject to participate fully in social life.
The notion of resocialization is directly linked to human rights, being understood as a duty of the State and a right of the citizen. According to Faleiros (2023), any process that aims to reintegrate an individual into social life must be guided by an ethical, critical, and humanized perspective. Resocializing, therefore, is not merely offering opportunities, but also deconstructing the stigmas that accompany those who live or have lived in conflict with the law.
The concept of resocialization should not be confused with punishment or mere institutional discipline. For Netto (2020), effective resocialization occurs only when there are public policies operating in an integrated and coordinated manner, promoting education, health, social assistance, culture, and labor. The absence of such policies causes individuals released from socio-educational institutions to return to the cycle of marginalization.
Among adolescents in conflict with the law, the resocialization process demands even greater attention and care. It is a stage of life marked by psychological, social, and emotional transformations. According to Baptista (2022), adolescents need spaces that foster a sense of belonging, self-esteem, and community participation; otherwise, they tend to repeat risky behaviors and drift away from legality.
The National Council of Justice, through the National Registry of Inspections in Socio-Educational Units and Programs (CNIUPS), demonstrates that there are currently 422 socio-educational facilities, of which 420 are fully operational. Consequently, the total population of young people serving some type of socio-educational measure stands at 11,959 (data collected in August 2026).
Graph 1 – Distribution of youth serving socio-educational measures
The majority being male:
Graph 2 – Distribution by gender
With the number of detainees considered high, in the legal sphere, resocialization becomes even more important as the primary objective of socio-educational measures.
According to the Child and Adolescent Statute (ECA, Law 8,069/1990), every intervention must prioritize integral protection and the guarantee of fundamental rights, including the right to family and community coexistence. This reinforces the need for measures to be not merely punitive, but to hold an educational and integrative character.
However, empirical data demonstrate that resocialization policies still face serious shortcomings in their practical implementation. The shortage of qualified professionals, the precariousness of educational programs, and the lack of cultural initiatives are elements that compromise the effectiveness of the process. A large portion of adolescents deprived of liberty do not return to school or the labor market after completing their socio-educational measure.
Another relevant aspect is the social prejudice that marks the identity of juvenile offenders. Society often imposes labels and denies opportunities to these individuals, hindering their reintegration. For Sawaia (2019), it is necessary to understand that resocialization does not occur solely within the institutional sphere, but depends, above all, on the transformation of social relations and the construction of new forms of reception and coexistence.
Human rights recognize that the resocialization process cannot be isolated from the contradictions of social structure. Thus, it is necessary to understand the material, historical, and cultural conditions that lead a portion of youth into situations of conflict with the law. Furthermore, central to the concept of resocialization are active listening and the agency of the individuals involved. Practices that merely impose rules and discipline tend to be ineffective in the long run. The success of the process is directly related to the capacity to engage in dialogue with the real needs, life stories, and aspirations of young people. Following this logic, Barroco (2020) emphasizes that resocialization actions must be built jointly with adolescents, valuing their experiences and promoting autonomy.
The formation of emotional and social bonds is one of the foundational pillars for resocialization. Young people who maintain ties with family, school, and community have greater chances of social reintegration. Family support and participation in cultural and sports activities are among the factors that contribute most to reducing recidivism among adolescents serving socio-educational measures.
Interdisciplinary work is also fundamental in this process. Social workers, psychologists, pedagogues, social educators, and other professionals must work in an integrated manner, respecting the specificities of each case. It is this coordination that enables more comprehensive and humanized care, strengthening protection networks and ensuring the continuity of these young people's life plans.
It is also worth highlighting the role of non-governmental organizations and community initiatives, which often fill gaps left by the public authorities. These entities develop training, art, sports, and cultural projects that prove essential for building new life possibilities. They help break the cycle of exclusion and strengthen adolescents' self-esteem.
Therefore, when addressing the concept of resocialization, it is necessary to understand it as a process that goes beyond moral or disciplinary rehabilitation. It is a process of subjective, social, and institutional reconstruction that requires effective public policies, citizen participation, and an ethical, critical, and humanitarian perspective. This terminology must be understood as a set of integrated actions aimed at rebuilding the life plans of adolescents, grounded in respect for their dignity, the principles of integral protection, and the overcoming of the inequalities that led them into conflict with the law.
1.2 Public policies aimed at youth in conflict with the law
Public policies aimed at youth in conflict with the law align with human rights and seek to guarantee fundamental rights, promote socio-educational measures, and pave the way for social reintegration. These policies must be anchored in the principles of human dignity, respect for the peculiar developmental condition of adolescents, and the promotion of citizenship, as advocated by the Child and Adolescent Statute (ECA), enacted by Law No. 8,069/1990.
The ECA represents a legal milestone in Brazil by establishing a protective and pedagogical approach to infractions committed by adolescents, in contrast to a punitive logic. According to Santos (2016), the Statute breaks with historical paradigms of exclusion, establishing a guarantee system focused on comprehensive protection and educational accountability.
Among the prescribed measures are warnings, the obligation to repair damage, community service, assisted liberty, and confinement in an educational facility. The choice of measure must take into account the gravity of the offense, the adolescent's history, and the capacity of the local assistance network (SANTOS, 2016).
The National Socio-Educational Service System (SINASE), regulated by Law No. 12,594/2012, sets forth guidelines for the execution of socio-educational measures, promoting adolescent accountability through restorative practices and the enhancement of citizenship. This legislation reinforces the importance of intersectoral, regional, and local actions in providing care to adolescents in conflict with the law.
However, the effectiveness of these policies depends on coordination among different sectors: health, education, social assistance, culture, and labor. The lack of integration among services undermines the full implementation of socio-educational measures, weakening the resocialization process (PEREIRA, 2024).
Recent data from the Inspection Panel of the National Council of Justice (CNJ) show that, currently, youth and adolescents are receiving positive support in areas considered essential:
Table 1 – Professional per adolescent
Considering the recommended limit of one professional for every twenty individuals served, Brazil remains within the established threshold, requiring attention only in schooling provision. Regarding the number of socio-educational agents, however:
Table 2 – Agent per adolescent
The national average is approximately 1.46 socio-educational agents per confined adolescent. However, because these professionals work on shift schedules, this isolated indicator becomes misleading, demonstrating that sector-specific advances, such as in psychology and social assistance, become ineffective if the operational structure does not receive equal attention. The low number of agents becomes even more negligible when considering the shift rotation, generating a real deficit in the care of these youth, since external activities such as classes and workshops require escorts to ensure everyone's safety. The shortage of professionals in this area directly compromises the resocialization process.
Despite regulatory advances, many states and municipalities still face difficulties in the effective implementation of SINASE, whether due to budgetary constraints, a lack of professional training, or the absence of political will. As Bonalume et al. (2021) point out, regional inequality and the precariousness of socio-educational structures hinder the universalization and quality of the services provided.
As an example of public policies, there is the Program for the Protection of Children and Adolescents Threatened with Death (PPCAAM), which seeks to ensure the physical and psychological integrity of at-risk adolescents, many of them originating from the socio-educational system. It is coordinated by the Ministry of Human Rights and Citizenship (MDHC), through the National Secretariat for the Rights of Children and Adolescents. This program reinforces the need for public policies focused on safety and recidivism prevention (OLIVEIRA, 2016).
Furthermore, vocational training and labor market integration policies are essential to ensure concrete alternatives, preventing a return to crime. Data from the Institute for Applied Economic Research, published in Technical Note No. 20 (IPEA, 2015), indicate a striking disparity in the effectiveness of resocialization depending on the policy model applied: while open-environment programs (such as Assisted Liberty and Community Service) show extremely low rates of reoffending, often below 5%, closed-environment confinement measures demonstrate low effectiveness, with recidivism estimates reaching up to 40% among former inmates. In addition, IPEA Discussion Paper No. 979 (SILVA; GUERESI, 2003) demonstrates that the structural deficit in transitioning to the formal labor market sabotages the pedagogical efficacy of the measure, as the lack of immediate post-measure employment prospects acts as the main vector of vulnerability for reoffending.
Cultural and sports programs also prove to be important tools in the resocialization process, as they promote the strengthening of ties, the development of socio-emotional skills, and the positive use of free time. Such actions foster a sense of belonging and social recognition. However, for these policies to be effective, it is essential to cultivate a non-stigmatizing social perspective. Youth in conflict with the law must be viewed as subjects of rights and not merely as offenders. According to Abramovay (2021), institutionalized prejudice remains one of the main obstacles to the full implementation of socio-educational strategies.
Continuous investment in the training of professionals working in these spaces is also necessary. This action is supported by SINASE itself, which establishes continuous training as one of the fundamental pillars of pedagogical management, making it indispensable for teams to be prepared to handle any complexities that arise, preventing technical unpreparedness from compromising the approach and reinforcing exclusionary or purely punitive practices, while ensuring professionalism when addressing the demands of adolescents and their families.
Strengthening the Councils for the Rights of Children and Adolescents (CMDCA) and the Guardianship Councils is necessary, as they are deliberative and oversight bodies for child and youth policy. The effectiveness and autonomy of these bodies, coupled with active societal participation, are legally mandated mechanisms to ensure the monitoring and enforcement of rights, problem resolution, and the creation and execution of effective programs.
Resolution No. 119/2006 of the National Council for the Rights of Children and Adolescents (CONANDA) defines the parameters for architecture, staffing numbers, security routines, and technical care in the facilities, and Resolution No. 160/2013 approved the National Socio-Educational Service Plan, which guides the ten-year actions of the system. Under Federal Decree No. 9,579/2018, the priority is for companies to fulfill their alternative Young Apprentice quotas by hiring youth from the socio-educational system.
Public policies targeted at youth in conflict with the law must be understood as a set of interdisciplinary and integrated actions, grounded in a humanitarian and rights-based perspective. Their success depends on the ethical and political commitment of professionals, multi-agency networking, and continuous state investment in preventive, educational, and care initiatives.
1.3 Challenges faced in social reintegration
The social reintegration of adolescents who have completed socio-educational measures faces structural, institutional, cultural, and subjective obstacles. Although the Brazilian legal framework, especially through the Child and Adolescent Statute (ECA), recognizes the right to resocialization, the reality experienced by these youth reveals a scenario of continuous exclusion and social stigmatization.
One of the primary challenges relates to the lack of continuity in post-measure follow-up. Upon leaving socio-educational facilities, many adolescents do not find adequate support to resume schooling, access public policies, or enter the labor market. For Mioto and Nogueira (2013), the lack of coordination between social protection systems and the socio-educational system compromises the effectiveness of reintegration policy.
This lack of coordination highlighted by the authors assumes alarming statistical proportions in demographic assessments conducted by the Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada (IPEA) on adolescents in SINASE. According to the data consolidated by the institute, social exclusion is not merely a consequence of the post-measure phase, but a chronic pre-existing factor: more than 60% of youth serving custodial socio-educational measures were experiencing severe grade-age distortion or had dropped out of school prior to apprehension, with school dropout concentrated predominantly at 14 years of age. Regarding socio-economic conditions, IPEA Technical Notes reveal that approximately 85% of these adolescents come from families with a per capita income below one minimum wage, demonstrating that social reintegration fails because it attempts to reinsert youth into a community structure that was already fundamentally deprived of basic assistance and social protection networks.
In addition, the social stigma attached to youth who have exited the system is one of the greatest obstacles to their inclusion. Society tends to label the adolescent as an "offender," hindering their acceptance in school, community, and work environments. As Sawaia (2019) emphasizes, this process of symbolic exclusion operates through subtle, structuring mechanisms that reaffirm inequalities and block access to full citizenship.
Another crucial aspect is the scarcity of public policies specifically designed for youth leaving the socio-educational system. Although youth programs exist, few are designed to address the complexity of social reintegration following the completion of measures. Faleiros (2023) highlights that the absence of cross-sector planning undermines the adolescent's return to community life and increases the risk of recidivism.
The precarity of the family structure is also a significant risk factor. Many adolescents return to dysfunctional households characterized by violence, an absence of emotional bonds, and socio-economic vulnerability. Iamamoto (2021) asserts that reintegration cannot be treated merely at the institutional level, but requires strengthening family and community networks as spaces of care, reception, and the rebuilding of bonds.
Education stands as one of the pillars of resocialization, yet access to it is frequently hindered. Data from the Panorama Nacional da Educação no Contexto Socioeducativo (2023) reveal the precariousness of this coverage: in closed detention regimes (internação), only two Brazilian states, Amapá and Rio Grande do Norte, achieve universal schooling for adolescents, while in semi-liberty regimes (semiliberdade), only five states achieve this goal. The national scenario exposes severe regional disparities, with states recording internal schooling rates below 30% of youth in custody. This exclusion perpetuates the post-measure dropout cycle, driven by demotivation, accumulated age-grade distortion, or institutional discrimination. The school, which should be a space for reinventing life trajectories, often becomes yet another site of exclusion.
In the labor market, challenges intensify due to selective and exclusionary practices. Prejudice regarding the adolescent's past and the lack of vocational training hinder access to employment opportunities. Abramovay (2021) emphasizes that, without future prospects, these youth find themselves pushed once again into informal circuits or criminality.
The lack of training among frontline professionals in the child and adolescent protection system is another factor undermining reintegration. Frequently, technical staff lack specialized training or institutional resources to implement individualized follow-up plans. According to Bonalume et al. (2021), work overload and the lack of professional training compromise active, qualified listening and relationship-building with adolescents.
The budgetary difficulties faced by municipalities also adversely affect reintegration strategies. Faced with scarce resources, public facilities often prioritize emergency demands, setting aside long-term youth policies. Netto (2020) observes that the lack of investment in social policies is one of the main obstacles to overcoming structural exclusion.
Another challenge pertains to the institutional structure of socio-educational facilities, which often reproduce archaic disciplinary practices to the detriment of pedagogical and restorative approaches. Oliveira (2016) points out that, rather than preparing adolescents for reintegration, these institutions frequently contribute to their further marginalization.
The lack of mental health policies integrated into the resocialization process also warrants attention. Many adolescents deal with trauma, psychological disorders, and substance abuse, which requires a more comprehensive psychosocial care network capable of offering continuous reception and follow-up. The absence of this support reinforces the factors that contributed to the infraction in the first place.
Furthermore, racial issues must be addressed, as unfortunately, despite all the progress humanity has achieved, pejorative mindsets fraught with mistaken prejudices persist. This structural racism shapes preconceived negative views that label youth in the midst of developing their ideals, leading them to believe that criminality is their only destiny. When analyzing the CNJ inspection dashboard, we observe that Black and brown (pretos and pardos) adolescents and youth serving socio-educational measures account for 75% of the total.
Chart 3 – Adolescents by race/color
However, some forget that Brazil is a country whose population is composed predominantly of self-identified Black and brown individuals:
Table 3 – IBGE Census (race/color)
Therefore, logically, it is natural that this is reflected in the data. Nevertheless, the intersections of class, race, and territory exacerbate the challenges of reintegration. Black, poor youth living on urban peripheries face multiple barriers to accessing rights, frequently being the targets of selective policing and institutional discrimination. For Iamamoto (2021), the youth issue must be analyzed through the lens of the historical inequalities that structure Brazilian society.
Faced with this scenario of structurally biased exclusion, an interdisciplinary and humanitarian approach must serve, in practice, as the central mechanism for reversing these trajectories. This dynamic takes shape in institutional daily practice through the joint development of the Individual Care Plan (PIA), where technical assessments from psychology, social work, and pedagogy are integrated into unified planning. In everyday practice, this workflow operates across two integrated fronts: internally, through weekly case studies that align psychotherapeutic support with formal education; and externally, through prior coordination with community-based services, such as the Social Assistance Reference Center (CRAS), the Specialized Social Assistance Reference Center (CREAS), and Young Apprentice programs. It is this coordinated operational framework that ensures youth leaving the system a path of social and labor integration, translating interdisciplinary theory into concrete humanitarian praxis capable of mitigating the impacts of penal selectivity and social vulnerability.
In addition to structural obstacles, there is also a deficit in civil society participation regarding the reintegration of adolescents. Non-governmental organizations and community initiatives remain poorly coordinated with the justice system and the social assistance network. This hampers the construction of a broad, plural support network capable of offering real alternatives for youth to reinvent their trajectories.
Another critical point is the absence of evaluation and monitoring of social reintegration policies. There is a lack of indicators to verify achieved outcomes and identify bottlenecks in the process. Without an accurate diagnosis, interventions tend to be generic and minimally effective. According to Pereira (2024), public administration must invest in planning, evaluation, and social oversight to ensure more effective policies.
Therefore, the social reintegration of adolescents in conflict with the law demands a coordinated, cross-sectoral, and continuous response based on the recognition of the specificities of youth and on overcoming historical inequalities. It is a collective challenge involving the State, society, and the adolescents themselves, one that will only be overcome through structural public policies, critical professional training, and a commitment to human dignity.
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
This article demonstrated that the process of resocializing adolescents in conflict with the law in Brazil is permeated by structural, social, and institutional challenges that hinder the effectiveness of public policies and the full fulfillment of fundamental rights established in the legal framework. Despite the legal advances represented by the Statute of the Child and Adolescent (ECA), the 1988 Federal Constitution, and the guidelines of the National Socio-Educational Service System (SINASE), reality still reveals weaknesses in the practice of social reintegration.
Throughout the research, it was found that resocialization requires much more than the enforcement of socio-educational measures. It demands a coordinated set of cross-sectoral actions encompassing education, healthcare, social assistance, culture, work, and the strengthening of family and community bonds. In this sense, the role of Human Rights proves fundamental in mediating between adolescents' rights and access to public policies, acting in an ethical, critical manner committed to social transformation.
The analyzed documents demonstrated that social stigma, discontinuity of care after completing measures, the absence of specific policies for program alumni, and the lack of coordination among different sectors of public authority are recurrent obstacles in the reintegration process. Furthermore, the shortage of human, material, and financial resources exacerbates the situation and compromises the effectiveness of resocialization programs.
This study reinforced the importance of understanding the adolescent transgressor as a subject of rights, rather than merely an offender. This paradigm shift is essential for socio-educational measures to fulfill their pedagogical and emancipatory function, contributing to the reconstruction of youth life projects and the prevention of recidivism.
Therefore, it is concluded that the effective resocialization of adolescents in conflict with the law will only be possible through strengthening public policies, valuing professionals in the field, engaging civil society, overcoming punitive practices still entrenched in the socio-educational system, and respecting and complying with what is established in International Human Rights Treaties. It is necessary to break with the logic of punishment and invest in strategies that promote inclusion, human development, and citizenship. Grounding ethical-political projects committed to human rights and social justice is indispensable so that resocialization ceases to be an abstract promise and becomes a concrete reality in the lives of thousands of adolescents seeking a new opportunity for dignified and transformative social inclusion.
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